[January 7th
marks the 60th
anniversary of Fidel Castro entering Havana to take over as Cuba’s prime
minister—one begrudgingly recognized
by a U.S. government that had opposed his revolution and would continue to
oppose his rule. So this week I’ll AmericanStudy Cuban histories in
relationship to the U.S.—leading up to a weekend post on literary works that
can help us understand the island nation and ourselves!]
On remembering two
sides to a Latin American despot beyond the most famous histories.
For most American
audiences—including this AmericanStudier before I researched him for this
Talking Points Memo piece on Cuban-American relationships and histories—Fulgencio
Batista is likely best (if not only) known through his fictionalized (but
historically accurate) representation
in The Godfather: Part II (1974). That film depicts the final
days of a Batista-like
figure’s despotic rule of Cuba, including his administration’s deep ties to
American interests (economic but also and especially
criminal) and the New Year’s Eve 1958-1959 revolutionary riots in Havana that
helped overthrow him and install Fidel Castro as the nation’s new leader. There’s
no doubt that Batista’s seven year dictatorship—which began with a March
10, 1952 military coup that canceled the upcoming presidential election and
was recognized as legitimate almost
immediately by the United States—was supported throughout by both the U.S.
government and numerous U.S. corporations and organizations (including the
mob), a symbiotic relationship all too common in 20th century Latin
American nations and histories but nonetheless a clear and important final
stage in Batista’s specific story as a Cuban leader.
It wasn’t the
only such stage, however, and remembering two others add layers to how we remember
Batista (and his relationship to the United States). In September 1933, after a
decade and a half as a soldier in the Cuban military (among other professions
and roles), Batista led the uprising known as the Sergeants’ Revolt,
a coup d’etat in which military leaders and student activists conspired to
depose President Carlos
Manuel de Céspedes
y Quesada. Batista did not assume national leadership for many years after
the coup—the nation was first briefly ruled by a five-man coalition known as
the Pentarchy of 1933,
then by interim President Ramón
Grau San Martin, then by a number of other puppet presidents—but Batista
remained a vital power behind all of these figures and governments. Indeed, it’s
possible to argue, as this
historian does, that Batista immediately betrayed the 1933 revolution for
his own benefit. As early as the opening night of the coup he told the leading
officers, “From this moment forward, do not obey anyone's orders but mine,” and
to some degree the same phrase could be applied to all the nation’s subsequent
presidents. And he was consistently supported by the U.S. in those efforts, as
when Special
Envoy Sumner Welles helped Batista force Grau to resign in favor of a more
malleable puppet president in January 1934.
When Batista
himself finally became
president in 1940, it might seem to have been just a more overt version of
that longstanding power and influence. But while that was partly the case,
there were also differences that reflected Cuba’s continuing development of its
own independent government and status. The most notable such difference was the
1940 Cuban Constitution, a ground-breaking
document that legitimized Batista’s triumph over Grau in the 1940 presidential election.
Just over a year later, two days after the Pearl Harbor attack, Cuba
entered World War II on the side of the allies, a somewhat symbolic action
but one that both led to Cuban casualties
and represented a more equitable, less dependent relationship between the nation
and the U.S. And in 1944 Batista stepped down from the presidency, allowing
another democratic
election in which his hand-picked successor, Carlos Saladrigas Zayas, was
defeated by Grau. Batista would subsequently leave Cuba for the
United States, dividing his time between Florida and New York City. Those
years would culminate in his 1952 coup and dictatorship, which remains the end
of Batista’s story as a Cuban leader—but these other stages nevertheless add important
layers to that story.
Last history
tomorrow,
Ben
PS. What do you
think? Other Cuban histories you’d highlight?
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