On the
widespread fundamental inaccuracies about an emblematic American text.
A few years back, my younger
son’s preschool class—made up of kids between 3 and 4 years old, not
surprisingly—learned to say the Pledge of Allegiance every day. I didn’t have a
particular problem with that, for a couple of reasons: it was a pretty diverse
group of kids, and I liked that they could all learn from a very young age that
America ideally means all of them, equally, no questions asked; and it was just
so darn cute to hear him recite his version of it. So the practice, again, not
an issue. But having heard the main classroom teacher articulate the theory
while telling a fellow parent about her reasoning behind having them recite
it—she said, and this is a paraphrase but it’s close, “It’s just one of those
founding American things, you know? So I feel like they should know it as soon
as possible”—helped confirm for me something that I’ve long suspected, which is
that our communal knowledge of the Pledge is pretty significantly inaccurate on
two key fronts.
For one thing, the Pledge’s historical
origin is both more recent and much more radical than we probably know. It
was created not in the Founding era, but more than a century later, in 1892;
the still fresh sectional division of the Civil War, and its resulting
destructions and continuing bitterness, meant that the word “indivisible” was
not at all a given, and instead very much a point of emphasis for the Pledge’s
creator. And moreover that creator, Francis
Bellamy, was thinking not only of those divisions, but also and even more
strikingly of the Christian Socialism to which both he and his cousin Edward
Bellamy (author of the socialist utopian
novel Looking Backward)
subscribed: Frances Bellamy later admitted that he originally planned to
include “equality” along with “liberty and justice for all,” or even to use
instead the French Revolutionary slogan “liberty, equality, fraternity,” but
recognized that in the late 19th century such beliefs were still
unfortunately “too fanciful, too many thousands of years off in realization.”
Yet even the emphasis on “liberty and justice for all,” in the same decade in
which the Supreme
Court confirmed the legality of Jim Crow segregation and the same year in
which the
number of lynchings of African Americans reached an all-time high, was like
“indivisible” far from a given; and Bellamy’s reaffirmation of those core
ideals, particularly as located in the Pledge’s culminating phrase, was and
remains a significant and inspiring statement.
As valuable and influential as it
would be for those origins to be part of our public consciousness of the
Pledge, however, it would be even more significant for us to recognize its most
overt evolution, and the contexts behind it. For the first sixty-two years of
its existence, the Pledge included no reference to religion; it was only in
1954, after a campaign by the Catholic organization the Knights of Columbus,
that Congress added
the words “under god.” It should, I believe, be impossible not to recognize
the very specific contexts for that addition, in an era of still
strong McCarthyism (with its tendency to conflate atheism with
anti-Americanism) and likewise a period in which opposition to the “godless
Communism” of the Soviet Union was becoming entrenched in every aspect of
American government and society. Less absolute but still worth our awareness is
the reaction of the Bellamy family to this addition—Frances had been dead for
over twenty years, but his
granddaughter argued vehemently that he would have been opposed to the
change, noting that he had been forced out of his church in 1891 due to his
socialist perspective and had toward the end of his life voluntarily left a
church in Florida because of its endorsement of racial discrimination. While we
can never know for sure what Bellamy would have thought, we can certainly
acknowledge the very contemporary and politicized motivations behind this
addition; doing so, to my mind, would—especially if coupled with an
understanding of Bellamy and the Pledge’s origins—make it much more difficult
to see critiques of “under god,” or of the Pledge itself, as un- or
anti-American.
I am not, to be clear, arguing
that we should discard the Pledge, or even necessarily alter its current
version. Instead, as I hope is always the case in this space, I am arguing
first that we can’t ever assume that our versions of core national texts and stories
are necessarily accurate or complete, and that we have to try to tell the
fuller, more complex, perhaps more dark but usually also more rich and
meaningful, stories and histories behind them. Second, and even more
significantly, I’d argue that when we do, it opens our history and identity up,
truly democratizes them, makes clear how much they have evolved and how much
they continue to do so, and thus how much of a role we have to play in shaping
and carrying them forward.
Next myth
tomorrow,
Ben
PS.
What do you think? Other myths, American or otherwise, you’d want to bust?