[December 6th
marks the 150th
anniversary of the ratification of perhaps the most important amendment to
the U.S. Constitution, the 13th. So this week I’ll AmericanStudy some
contexts for five other amendments, leading up to a special weekend post on the
13th!]
On the seemingly
offhand sentences through which the Supreme Court radically revised American
law, history, and community.
In the spring
1886, the Supreme Court heard a trio of cases related to California’s taxation
of railroad corporations and properties, cases collectively entitled Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific
Railroad (1886). The cases’ specifics hinged on small and (to this
AmericanStudier) relatively uninteresting questions of (for example) whether
fences adjoining railroad tracks were considered part of those tracks for
purposes of land categorization and taxation, and the Court’s decision, written
by Justice John Marshall Harlan, similarly focused on those small (if, of
course, significant to the affected parties) questions. But it was in a
“headnote” to that decision, transcribed by a court reporter and attributed to Chief
Justice Morrison Waite, that the Court went far beyond those specific
questions and helped change the course of American law and society.
In that
headnote, Waite stated, “The Court
does not wish to hear argument on the question whether the provision in the
Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution which forbids a state to deny to any
person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws applies to
these corporations. We are all of opinion that it does.” The note was not part
of the Court’s official decision, but the reporter (J.C. Bancroft Davis, a former railroad
company president)
included it immediately preceding the decision in his transcription for the
official Court record. He did so, it’s worth adding, only after writing to
Waite to inquire whether it did indeed represent the Court’s collective
perspective; Waite responded that it did, and the sentences became part of the
decision’s text and permanent identity from then on. Such a headnote would have
no legal standing or precedent—yet nonetheless, by all accounts and all available evidence this informal opinion, that corporations
were the equivalent of people under the 14th Amendment’s “equal
protection” clause, became far more impactful than anything in the decision’s
formal text.
Santa Clara thus represented a watershed
moment in the evolving narrative of “corporate personhood,” one that saw its
latest statement during the 2012 presidential primaries, in Mitt Romney’s oft-quoted
remark at the Iowa State Fair that “corporations are people, my friend.” Yet
I would also argue that Waite’s headnote illustrates another of the Court’s
striking powers, one perhaps not part of its original Constitutional mandate
but certainly part of how the Court’s role has evolved over the centuries
since: the power to revise, to change our national understanding of key issues
and questions. It did so here not only in the 14th Amendment’s
language (which focused entirely on “persons” and “citizens”) but also, if far
more subtly, on its contexts. The
Amendment, after all, was drafted first and foremost to ensure full citizenship
and equal protection for freed and former slaves—for persons, that is, who
had suffered at the hands of one of America’s most sweeping capitalist and,
dare I say it, corporate entities, the slave system. To read that Amendment’s
effects to include protection for corporations was thus, to my mind, a stunning
revision.
Next amendment
tomorrow,
Ben
PS. What do you
think?
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