[70 years ago this week, the Senate voted to censure Senator Joseph McCarthy, a key final step in the downfall of that domineering and divisive demagogue. So in this series I’ll AmericanStudy a few layers to McCarthy’s America, leading up to a weekend post on his and the moment’s modern echoes.]
An excerpt
from Of Thee I Sing that
highlights how HUAC and (especially) Joe McCarthy embodied the worst of mythic
patriotism.
“Both
the Depression and World War II eras’ fears of anti-American radicals,
movements, and communities likewise extended into the post-war moment in an
even more prominent and overarching way, with the emergence of the hugely
influential, mythic perspective expressed and embodied by Wisconsin Senator
Joseph McCarthy. Despite McCarthy’s central role in perpetuating and amplifying
those myths, it’s important to note that another vital source for that
perspective, the tellingly named House Committee on Un-American Activities
(HUAC), pre-dated both McCarthy (who became a Senator in 1947) and the post-war
period. HUAC, also known as the Dies Committee after its chair, Texas
Representative Martin Dies Jr., was created as a special investigating
committee in 1938, building upon and making more official the work of earlier
Congressional committees such as the 1934–37 Special Committee on Un-American
Activities to Investigate Nazi Propaganda and Certain Other Propaganda
Activities. From the beginning HUAC’s investigations focused on fears of
communism and targeted many of the period’s most prominent American
communities: student radicals, as illustrated by a 1939 investigation into the
communist-affiliated American Youth Congress; New Deal artists, as illustrated
by the 1938 subpoena of Federal Theatre Project director Hallie Flanagan to
address communist influences on that project; and Japanese Americans, as
illustrated by HUAC’s infamous “Yellow Report” which made the case for
internment based on a number of mythic arguments about Japanese loyalty to the
empire.
When Senator McCarthy extended and amplified those
investigations in the post-war period, he did so with the help of two
interconnected mythic patriotic arguments. First, the World War II veteran
McCarthy used propagandistic war stories to make the case for his own
candidacy and governmental role. McCarthy had served as a Marine Corps
intelligence officer and aviator between August 1942 and April 1945, and in the
process received (or quite possibly gave himself) the nickname “Tail-Gunner
Joe.” When he ran for the Senate against incumbent Robert M. La Follette Jr.,
McCarthy criticized La Follette’s lack of military service, although La
Follette was 46 years old at the start of the war, and used the slogan
“Congress needs a tail-gunner” to play up his own. He also created myths about
his military service: an exaggerated number of aerial missions (32, rather than
the actual number of 12) in order to qualify for a Distinguished Flying Cross;
a broken leg that McCarthy referred to as a “war wound” but had in fact
occurred during a shipboard celebration upon crossing the equator; and a letter
of commendation that he claimed had been written by his commanding officer but
turned out to have been written by McCarthy himself. None of these myths elide
the reality of McCarthy’s wartime experiences and service, but they reflect a
willingness to create propaganda based on such real experiences, in order to
significantly bolster his own authority and arguments.
As
he began making his overtly exclusionary arguments in early 1950, McCarthy did
so through equally mythic images of a government and nation overrun by and
fighting back against “enemies within.” McCarthy used that phrase in a February
9th, 1950 speech to the Wheeling, West Virginia Republican Women’s Club, an
address in which he also produced “a list of names” of alleged “members of the
Community Party . . . working and shaping policy in the State Department.” As
he turned that idea into the origin point for a four-year exclusionary crusade
against “anti-American” forces and communities of all types, from communists
and fellow travelers to leftist intellectuals and academics, artistic and
cultural figures, homosexuals, and other “subversives,” McCarthy linked that
crusade to a mythic vision of an embattled American identity for which he was
the consistent and chief champion. “McCarthyism is Americanism with its
sleeves rolled,” he argued in a 1952 speech during his successful reelection
campaign, and he titled his book published later that year McCarthyism: The
Fight for America.”
Next
McCarthy context tomorrow,
Ben
PS. What
do you think?
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