[On July 30th,
1676 Nathaniel Bacon issued his “Declaration
in the Name of the People,” kicking off Bacon’s Rebellion. So this week
I’ll AmericanStudy that rebellion and other 17th century histories,
leading up to a special weekend post on some of Virginia’s historic sites!]
On the transnational
details of a crucial human cargo, and a fraught new historical lens for them.
I’m mostly going
to cede this first paragraph over to this
2006 Washington Post story, and
to the historians cited there (especially Engel
Sluiter and John Thornton
& Linda Heywood) whose ground-breaking research and writing helped recover
and consider the stories, identities, and histories of the 20 African slaves
brought to Virginia’s Jamestown colony in 1619. It’s to their efforts, and to Lisa
Rein’s reporting in that story, that I owe pretty much all I know about
that group of slaves, and you should check out that story to learn more as
well!
Okay, welcome
back! Obviously the individual and communal stories and identities of those
first (or at least very early) African Americans are and should be the central
reason to better remember the histories that Sluiter, Thornton & Heywood,
and others have helped recover and narrate. But on a contextual level, I would also
note the strikingly transnational factors that came together to bring those 20
Angolans to Jamestown. A Portuguese slave ship, the San Juan Bautista, that departed from the Angolan port city of Luanda
with some 350 slaves bound for the Spanish (now Mexican) port of Veracruz. Two
British pirate vessels, the Treasurer and
the White Lion (the latter apparently
flying a Dutch flag, likely for reasons of disguise or misdirection), that
raided the San Juan Bautista and took
its slave cargo for themselves. At least one of them (likely the White Lion, given the longstanding
historical narrative that the ship was Dutch) that landed in Jamestown as part
of its multi-stop voyage through the Americas, trading the slaves for provisions.
It’s not just the transatlantic and increasingly globally connected 17th
century world that these details reflect—it’s also, and most saliently for my
post and series, how much even a small and seemingly isolated English colony
like Jamestown was part of that transatlantic and global society, influenced by
Angola and Portugal and piracy and the Caribbean just as much as by its direct
English origin points.
I would also
extend that point one complex and fraught step further, however. Those 20
Angolan American slaves also comprised a potently transnational community, one
that immediately and forever after became an influential part of the new and developing
Virginian and post-contact
American communities as well. In emphasizing that aspect of this
foundational African American community, I don’t mean for a moment to minimize
the brutality and horrors and exclusionary white supremacist core of the slave
trade and slave system that this moment helped bring to America, and that were
inescapable parts of the lives of these 20 slaves as they would be for so many
millions more in the next two and a half centuries. Yet if we focus entirely on
those historical horrors and exclusions, we risk repeating at least the latter effect,
continuing to exclude African American slaves from our narratives of American
identity at every stage of its post-contact development. Whereas to my mind, as
I argue at length in my
current book project, the exact opposite is true: there is quite simply no
American identity without this community, and without all that they brought
and contributed to the evolving national community. And transnational elements—not
just experiences and movement, but culture, language, religion, and so many
more—were one key such contribution, as illustrated by the stories and
histories of those 20 Angolan American arrivals.
Next 17th
century history tomorrow,
Ben
PS. What do you
think? Other early American histories you’d highlight?